Lila Abu-Lughod (1952-)

“穆斯林女性真的需要被拯救吗?” Lila Abu-Lughod,巴勒斯坦裔美国学者,著名文化人类学家。
Abu-Lughod, Lila. “Do Muslim Women Really Need Saving? Anthropological Reflections on Cultural Relativism and Its Others.” American Anthropologist 104, no. 3 (2002): 783-790.

换言之,问题在于为何了解阿富汗地区的“文化”,尤其是它的宗教信仰和对待女性的态度,比去研究地区专制政府的历史和美国在其中的角色更为重要。这种文化构架,在我看来,是为了躲避对世界上的这部分人类苦难的根源和本质的严肃探讨。比起政治和历史原因,专家们反而被要求提供宗教-文化上的解释。比起指向全球(不同地区)相互联系的问题,我们要被迫接受那个把世界人工分成单独领域的观念——重塑一个想象中的地理:西方对抗东方、我们对抗穆斯林、第一夫人能公开演讲的文化对抗那个女人在黑罩袍里沉默地晃来晃去的文化。
In other words, the question is why knowing about the “culture” of the region, and particularly its religious beliefs and treatment of women, was more urgent than exploring the history of the development of repressive regimes in the region and the U.S. role in this history. Such cultural framing, it seemed to me, prevented the serious exploration of the roots and nature of human suffering in this part of the world. Instead of political and historical explanations, experts were being asked to give religio-cultural ones. Instead of questions that might lead to the exploration of global interconnections, we were offered ones that worked to artificially divide the world into separate spheres—recreating an imaginative geography of West versus East, us versus Muslims, cultures in which First Ladies give speeches versus others where women shuffle around silently in burqas.

在19世纪末20世纪初的埃及,一个蕾拉·阿哈迈德(1922,埃及裔美国学者,重点研究伊斯兰教和女性)称呼其为“殖民女权主义(colonial feminism)”的现象极为常见。殖民女权主义是一种以专注于被认为是压迫标志的面纱来有选择性地关心埃及女人的困境,同时却不对女性教育提供任何帮助。这种思想被同一个在其本土反对女性选举权的英国人Lord Cromer支持着。
In Turn of the Century Egypt, what Leila Ahmed (1992) has called “colonial feminism” was hard at work. This was a selective concern about the plight of Egyptian women that focused on the veil as a sign of oppression but gave no support to women’s education and was professed loudly by the same Englishman, Lord Cromer, who opposed women’s suffrage back home.

正如我上文论述的,在简单的文化符号被用于掩盖混乱的历史和政治论调时,我们必须多加怀疑。我们必须警惕Lord Cromer在英属埃及、法国女人在阿尔及利亚、和身后就是所有军队力量的劳拉-布什号称要拯救或者解放穆斯林女人的说法。
Just as I argued above that we need to be suspicious when neat cultural icons are plastered over messier historical and political narratives, so we need to be wary when Lord Cromer in British-ruled Egypt, French ladies in Algeria, and Laura Bush, all with military troops behind them, claim to be saving or liberating Muslim women.

我不知道有多少为从塔利班手中拯救阿富汗女人(的论调)而自我满足的(西方)女权主义者们,同时也在诉求全球财富重新分配、并设想极大地牺牲她们自己的消费,为了让非洲或者阿富汗的女人们能有机会获得我所相信的普世人权——摆脱全球经济不平等导致的结构性暴力和战争摧残的权利,有足够食物的权利,和亲人居住生长在家里的权利,能工作赚钱抚养子女的权利,并且拥有能力和安全去寻求——在她们自己的群体里、和她们自己选择的盟友(而不是西方强行施加的)——如何快乐地生活,而这种生活也可能包括改变她们群体的结构。
I do not know how many feminists who felt good about saving Afghan women from the Taliban are also asking for a global redistribution of wealth or contemplating sacrificing their own consumption radically so that African or Afghan women could have some chance of having what I do believe should be a universal human right—the right to freedom from the structural violence of global inequality and from the ravages of war, the everyday rights of having enough to eat, having homes for their families in which to live and thrive, having ways to make decent livings so their children can grow, and having the strength and security to work out, within their communities and with whatever alliances they want, how to live a good life, which might very well include changing the ways those communities are organized.

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